The Single Transferable Vote
STV has long been advocated by political scientists as one of the most attractive electoral systems, but its use for legislative elections has been limited to a few casesthe Republic of Ireland since 1921, Malta since 1947, and once in Estonia in 1990. It is also used for elections to the Australian Federal Senate and in several Australian states, and for European and local elections in Northern Ireland. It has been adopted for local elections in Scotland and in some authorities in New Zealand. It was also chosen as the recommendation of the British Columbia Citizens Assembly.
The core principles of the system were independently invented in the 19th century by Thomas Hare in Britain and Carl Andræ in Denmark. STV uses multi-member districts, and voters rank candidates in order of preference on the ballot paper in the same manner as under the Alternative Vote system. In most cases, this preference marking is optional, and voters are not required to rank-order all candidates if they wish, they can mark only one.
After the total number of first-preference votes are tallied, the count then begins by establishing the quota of votes required for the election of a single candidate. The quota used is normally the Droop quota, calculated by the simple formula:
Quota = ) +1
Third Parties Success And Influence
The most successful of the third parties in any one election was the Reform Party, which in 1992 nominated Texas billionaire Ross Perot as its candidate for president. Perot ran on a platform that advocated reducing the federal budget deficit, an issue previously ignored in elections but one that would become a major part of almost every presidential campaign since. Perot received 19 percent of the vote.
e was the first candidate really in a big way to float the idea that the deficit was a bad thing, said historian Michael Beschloss. By the time Bill Clinton was elected that fall, if he had not done something about the deficit he would have been in big trouble and that was largely Ross Perots doing.
Third parties have had a major influence on U.S. policy and political debate despite their minor presence in Congress currently only one U.S. senator and one member of the House of Representatives is an independent.
In the late 1800s and early 1900s, the Socialists popularized the womens suffrage movement. They advocated for child labor laws in 1904 and, along with the Populist Party, introduced the notion of a 40-hour work week, which led to the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938.
Its a kind of bitter sweetness, he added. are the ones that raise the issues that no one wants to raise and in the process they change the political debate and even policy, but they themselves as a political force, they disappear.
What Did The First Two Political Parties Disagree On
One of the early critical differences between Federalists and Republicans was a disagreement on the implied powers of the Constitution to allow for creation of a national bank. Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson advocated a narrow construction of the Constitution that would have prohibited a national bank.
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What Can Be Done About The Problem Of Political Parties
What Can Be Done About the Problem of Political Parties?
This is the final in a series of occasional papers by the Wilson Centers History and Public Policy Program looking at the declining influence of political parties worldwide.
Abstract: In a world of declining political party influence, protest movements and organized labor have increasingly served as vehicles to express grievances and channel political action. However, the limits of protest movements and labor unions activitiesand their frequent turns to electoral politicspoint to the essential role that political parties play in holding governments to account. Given the increase in nontraditional political mobilization through protest and civil society organizations, political parties can best harness this energy through increased engagement and substantive internal deliberation. States can play a role in increasing the supply of political parties through subsidies that bolster parties partner organizations and in boosting the demand for political parties by making voting compulsory, with appropriate accommodations for voters.
In an age of declining political party influence, to what extent can other alternatives to political partieslike labor unions or nonviolent mass mobilizationhold governments accountable? And if, in fact, political parties best serve as aggregators of voter preferences that can hold governments accountable, how can parties be revitalized to better engage the electorate?
Electoral Systems And Conflict In Divided Societies
Ben Reilly and Andrew Reynolds1
This work examines whether the choice of an electoral system in a culturally plural society can affect the potential for future violent conflict. We find that it can, but that there is no single electoral system that is likely to be best for all divided societies. We distinguish four basic strategies of electoral system design. The optimal choice for peacefully managing conflict depends on several identifiable factors specific to the country, including the way and degree to which ethnicity is politicized, the intensity of conflict, and the demographic and geographic distribution of ethnic groups. In addition, the electoral system that is most appropriate for initially ending internal conflict may not be the best one for longer-term conflict management. In short, while electoral systems can be powerful levers for shaping the content and practice of politics in divided societies, their design is highly sensitive to context. Consideration of the relationship between these variables and the operation of different electoral systems enables the development of contingent generalizations that can assist policy makers in the field of electoral system design.
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Ies Can Increase Demand By Revitalizing Partisanship
Beyond increased deliberation, parties need to revitalize partisanship, which can lower alienation from and indifference to parties and reduce party system volatility. Historically, politicalized social cleavages such as class, religion, ethnolinguistic group, or urban-rural divides have given rise to parties that were deeply rooted in society. Many of these cleavages can be exclusionary, and exclusionary political competition can raise the risk of large-scale political instability, including democratic breakdown. However, class and religion are historical political cleavages that are the least exclusionary in societies with expectations of class mobility and in which religious appeals transcend class and ethnicity.
Parties can boost their electoral fortunes by reemphasizing left/right economic policy differences because economic policy convergence has been a key driver of voter dealignment and party system volatility. In Latin American countries in the 1980s and 1990s, where established parties of both the center-left and center-right in Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela collapsed after converging on economic policy, Argentinas Justicialist Party thrived in the 2000s by turning back to the left and away from the market-friendly policies it had championed in the preceding decade.
States Can Increase The Demand For Political Parties Through Compulsory Voting
Given the persistent mobilization issues confronting mainstream center-left and center-right parties, boosting the demand for parties may be a more viable option to strengthen their fortunes. States can most directly bolster the demand for political parties by enacting compulsory voting, which can increase voter turnout and individual attachment to political parties. Compulsory voting can reengage the apolitical who have dropped out of voting altogether, and potentially turn them into the type of habitual partisans that had previously dominated the electorate. However, the apolitical will only be able to effectively engage in voting if they receive enough information on party platforms to determine which best reflects their individual interests and preferences.
In recent high-profile elections with high party system volatility, voter turnout has been unusually low. In Frances 2017 legislative election, 40 percent of the electorate switched its party vote as turnout plunged to a post-World War II low of 48 percent. In Israel in 2006, 42 percent of the electorate switched its party vote amid a record-low turnout of 63 percent. And in Japanese elections since 2000, voter turnout of 50 to 60 percent has been associated with 20 to 30 percent of the electorate switching its party vote, while turnout approaching 70 percent has seen only eight to 16 percent of the electorate switching its party vote.
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Advantages And Disadvantages Of Mmp
While MMP retains the proportionality benefits of PR systems, it also ensures that elected representatives are linked to geographical districts. However, where voters have two votesone for the party and one for their local representativeit is not always understood that the vote for the local representative is less important than the party vote in determining the overall allocation of seats in the legislature. Furthermore, MMP can create two classes of legislatorsone group primarily responsible and beholden to a constituency, and another from the national party list without geographical ties and beholden to the party. This may have implications for the cohesiveness of groups of elected party representatives.
The Process Of Change
The process through which an electoral system is designed or altered has a great effect on the type of the system which results, its appropriateness for the political situation, and the degree of legitimacy and popular support it will ultimately enjoy.
Electoral systems are very rarely designed on a blank slate where no precedents exist. Even the efforts spent to design an electoral system in Afghanistan and Iraq had historical multiparty competitive precedents to draw on . Fiji, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Madagascar are recent examples of countries going from very tough circumstancesas coups détatto the establishment of electoral systems and institutions where previous experiences were considered.
Some key questions of electoral system design, or on the change of an existing one, are:
- Who designs? That is, who puts the idea of electoral system change onto the political agenda, and who has the responsibility for drawing up a proposed new or amended system and through what type of process?
- What are the mechanisms built into the political and legal framework for reform and amendment?
- What process of discussion and dialogue is necessary to ensure that a proposed new or amended system is accepted as legitimate? Once change has been decided upon, how is it implemented?
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The Systems And Their Consequences
There are countless electoral system variations, but essentially they can be divided into 12 main systems, the majority of which fall into three broad families. The most common way to look at electoral systems is to group them according to how closely they translate national votes won into legislative seats won, that is, how proportional they are. To do this, one needs to look at both the votes-to-seats relationship and the level of wasted votes.
If we take the proportionality principle into account, along with some other considerations such as how many members are elected from each district and how many votes the voter has, we are left with the family structure illustrated in figure 1.
However, under some circumstances, non-proportional electoral systems can give rise to relatively proportional overall results, for example, when party support is concentrated in regional fiefdoms. This was the case in another Southern African country, Malawi, in 2004. In that election, the Malawian Congress Party won 30 per cent of the seats with 25 per cent of the votes, the United Democratic Front won 27 per cent of the seats with 25 per cent of the votes, and the Alliance for Democracy won a little more than 3 per cent of the seats with just under 4 per cent of the votes.
Electoral Systems And Number Of Polling Days
FPTP, AV, BV, SNTV, List PR, Borda Count, and STV all generally require just one election on one day , as do Parallel and MMP systems. Two-Round systems are more costly and difficult to administer because they often require the whole electoral process to be re-run a week or a fortnight after the first round.
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Three Main Effects Of Third Parties On American Politics:
- Third parties allow the voters who don’t want to vote for either of the major parties.
- They said political leaders the actual concerns of voters.
- They have infrequently affected the outcome of national elections.
- The third parties are not going to win the elections but have an important role in the political system .
- They are going to address issues that might not have been picked up by the ruling party.
- Even they can have an impact on the elections by taking a share of the votes of a main political party.
- They are also going to help the vote turnout as they are going to bring a lot of people to the polls .
Learn more about third parties.
Why do third parties do not last any longer in American two party system
Why Are Third Parties Important In A Political System Quizlet
Third parties also serve an important role in our political system by forcing major political parties to address new issues they might not have previously addressed very much. And third party candidates can also greatly impact an election by taking away votes from one of the major political party candidates.
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Ies Can Increase Demand Through Greater Deliberation
On the demand side, parties face enduring challenges attracting voters because of changes to the nature of the electorate resulting from deindustrialization, globalization, and rising postmaterialism. Increasing individualism among a largely middle-class electorate in many Western European countries has created a large share of apartisan voters who tend to be more reliant on their own individual judgment rather than party cues when determining how to cast their votes apartisans are also increasingly involved in political activity outside of partisan politics, such as through civil society organizations or demonstrations. In Europe in particular, the growth of postmaterialist values of identity have reduced the salience of left-right economic politics while increasing the salience of cultural issues, creating tripolar political competition. Daniel Oesch and Line Rennwald argue that culture has become a third pole off of the left/right economic axis, with voters on the left voting on both economic and cultural concerns, center-right voting on economic concerns over cultural ones, and radical right voting for cultural concerns over economic ones.
Advantages And Disadvantages Of The Citizens Initiative Instrument
It is argued that the simple existence of the initiative mechanism acts as a check on the activities of the legislature. This is because legislators are more likely to introduce certain reforms and measures if the initiative mechanism exists, because it is likely that if they do not, an initiative on the issue will be launched. One example is that US researchers have shown that US states that use the initiative process are more likely than those that do not, to have introduced governance reform policies . Another indication of this is the number of initiatives that are introduced but subsequently withdrawn in Switzerland, because the introduction of the initiative has in itself forced the legislature to address the issue. It is therefore claimed that the initiative process makes legislatures more responsive.
One often cited disadvantage of citizens initiatives is that they result in badly drafted law, since the wording of the measure as initially proposed ends up as statute if the measure is passed. It is argued that the failure to use the expertise provided by government lawyers and officials who are familiar with the drafting process leads to laws that can be meaningless or ineffective, or have to be re-drafted, because the individuals or lawyers who draft the measures are not experienced in legislative drafting. Additionally, in some cases, statute created by the initiative process is found to be unconstitutional.
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Obstacles Third Parties Face
In fact, American voters have not elected a third party president since Abraham Lincoln when the then-minority Republican Party beat the Whigs and the Democrats in 1860 on the anti-slavery platform. Voters often worry that a vote for a third party candidate is wasted since he or she is unlikely to win.
Also, according to Beschloss, third parties often organize around a single personality or a single issue and that can lead to less popularity among voters.
Perhaps the most significant of the obstacles facing third party candidates is the winner-take-all system. In most states, the presidential candidate with the highest percentage of votes gets all the states electoral votes.
Theres no reward for second place, said John F. Bibby, University of Wisconsin professor and co-author of the book, Two Parties Or More? The American Party System. With a single elected president if youre going to have a chance to win the states, which are all awarded on a winner-take-all basis, again you dont have a chance. The incentive is to form broad-based parties that have a chance to win in the Electoral College.
In his book, Bibby and co-author L. Sandy Maisel point to Ross Perot in 1992, who had widespread appeal but not enough to win a state completely.
Third party candidates also are at a disadvantage because of federal campaign finance laws, rules that dictate who can enter presidential debates, and a lack of media attention.
Advantages Of Pr Systems
In many respects, the strongest arguments for PR derive from the way in which the system avoids the anomalous results of plurality/majority systems and is better able to produce a representative legislature. For many new democracies, particularly those which face deep societal divisions, the inclusion of all significant groups in the legislature can be a near-essential condition for democratic consolidation. Failing to ensure that both minorities and majorities have a stake in developing political systems can have catastrophic consequences, such as seeking power through illegal means.
PR systems in general are praised for the way in which they:
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